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As in most states, Malaysians populating in urban countries generate more waste than those in rural countries. Indeed, there is even a noticeable difference between those populating in bigger towns and those in smaller towns. The logical account is that those in bigger towns tend to be richer, and hence devour more and bring forth more waste. It should besides be noted that the bigger towns have more commercial constitutions and mills. It is besides possible that the aggregation rate is more efficient in the bigger towns. Generally, 64 % of the waste is domestic, 25 % is industrial, 8 % commercial, and the staying 3 % is building and institutional waste ( Anderson, 1998 ) .

Whereas the composing of solid waste in Malaysia is similar to that of most developing states. Organic waste forms the biggest constituent, with paper and plastics ( including gum elastic ) at 2nd and 3rd places severally. Other classs of solid waste are metals, cloths, and building waste ( dust ) . Table 2.1 describes the general composing of waste.

Solid Waste And Its Management Environmental... TOPICS SPECIFICALLY FOR YOU

Table 2.1: General Composition of Waste in Malaysia


% by Weight







Wood, garden waste


Metallic element








Beginning: Huszain Huzin ( 2004 )

There are, nevertheless, fluctuations in the composing of waste among the different countries. A elaborate survey in 2000 in and around Kuala Lumpur showed that there were differences in the per centums of different types of waste harmonizing to edifice usage and the socioeconomic background of the occupants. Table 2.2 describes the waste composing based on economic position, commercialism, and offices.

Table 2.2: Waste Composition of Selected Areas ( dry footing, % by weight )


High Income

Medium Income

Low Income



Organic ( nutrient )






























Yard Waste












Metallic element


















Bulk denseness












Beginning: Mohd. Nasir Hassan et Al. ( 2004 )

There is besides a difference in waste composing between the bigger metropoliss and smaller towns. In Kuala Lumpur, the largest metropolis in the state, organic waste accounted for about 48.4 % while in Muar, an average-size municipality of about 0.5 million people, it was 63.7 % . In footings of paper, Kuala Lumpur, the centre of commercialism and concern, had higher per centum than that of Muar. Table 2.3 describes the waste composing in Kuala Lumpur and Muar.

Table 2.3: Waste Composition for Selected Municipal Council ( % of Weight )


Kuala Lumpur


Organic Waste









Metallic element









Beginning: Mohd. Nasir Hassan et Al. ( 1998 )

2.2 The Effectss of Economic Activity and Income on Solid Waste Generation

Relationships between socio-economic backgrounds and waste measures every bit good as composings in Malaysia have been studied by many bespeaking that higher income groups were found to devour more merchandises and therefore generated more wastes ( Agamuthu, 1997 ; 2001 ; Mohd. Razman et al. , 1994 ; Mohd. Nazri, 1994, and Ahmad Termizi and Fadil, 1992 ) . Further surveies, nevertheless, are needed to research other factors impacting an effectivity of plans and policies such as the function attitudes and perceptual experiences of both urban and rural homeowners sing bing direction system and environmental policies.

Environmental harm is a byproduct of economic activity. The more economic activity, the more environmental harm. It can be seen by higher degrees of industrial emanations and industrial discharge into the waterways due to high degrees of industrial end product ; a loss of biodiversity and disturbances in an ecological balance due to additions in the harvest home of natural resources ( renewable and non-renewable ) ; less unfastened infinite due to rural land development, and higher degrees of municipal solid waste due to higher degrees of ingestion ( McCollough, 2001 ) . The state of affairss above show that a direct, positive correlativity exists between environmental harm and economic activity.

Solid waste is the unwanted byproduct of ingestion. It affects the

environment in many negative ways. Analyzing the relationship between solid waste and

income will give a better apprehension of the true relationship between income and the

overall position of the environment. Strong correlativities between income growing and solid waste have been shown, by research workers mentioned before, to be true at the local, province, national, and international degree.

2.3 Regulatory Tendencies

In Malaysia, there are at least seven federal Torahs with some commissariats in each on the assorted facets of the state ‘s solid waste direction system. The names of the federal Torahs identified are listed in Table 2.4. Most of the commissariats were to authorise the province or local authorities to transport out their assorted responsibilities. In order to give a general overview, some of the illustrations are included.

The Water Enactment Act controls the disposal of any harmful or objectionable affair or any affair that could be a possible danger to public wellness, safety or public assistance, and other good utilizations. The Land Conservation Act ( Act 3 ) indirectly relates to the direction of wastes by forbiding the glade of any hill and destroying of any trees without a license. It means that anyone meaning to utilize a piece of land for solid waste disposal is required to obtain a license before any building of such installation.

Table 2.4: Federal Laws of Malaysia with Provisions on Solid Waste Management

Year Enacted Legislation Agency responsible to administer/oversee

1920 Water Enactment State authorization

1960 Land Conservation Act State authorization

1965 The National Land Code State authorization

1974 Street, Drainage, and Individual local governments

Building Act ( Act 133 )

1974 Environmental Quality Department of

Act ( Act 127 ) Environment

1976 Local Government Act Individual local governments

( Act 171 )

1976 Town and Country Planning Individual local governments

Act ( Act 172 )

Beginning: Juzhar ( 2001 )

The National Land Code of 1965, on the other manus, empowers the province authoritiess to sort land usage into three wide classs: agricultural, industrial, and edifice. Section 47 of the Street, Drainage, and Building Act ( Act 133 ) , constructing proprietors and its residents are prohibited from lodging domestic, trade, or garden garbage, liquid effluent ; dust or dirt, or any other affair in any public topographic point.

Owners who violate may hold their concern licence revoked and may be penalized by the local authorities. Management of wastes are covered in the Environmental Quality Act ( EQA ) of 1974 ( Act 127 ) , in that the Department of Environment ( DOE ) of the Ministry of Science, Technology, and the Environment was created to command pollution due to the disposal of wastes on land every bit good as into watercourses or local Waterss. The EQA is the chief federal jurisprudence that gives the authorization and regulative power to the DOE, and supply slightly clear ordinances so as to command the dumping of wastes ( Juzhar, 2001 ) .

The Local Government Act gives each province the powers to redefine the administrative and runing boundaries of every local authorities under them. It made it illegal to dispose wastes in or upon the bank of any watercourse. The Town and Country Planning Act of 1976 ( Act 172 ) , on the other manus, makes the local authorities responsible for the direction of solid waste along with the planning of the development and usage of all lands and edifices.

Other regulative attacks include Local Solid Waste Laws developed by the Ministry of Housing and Local Government ( MHLG ) in 1983. They include:

I ) Anti-Litter Bylaws, which discourage littering through mulcts of up to RM500

two ) Refuse Collection, Removal, and Disposal Bylaws: Property proprietors are obligated to supply waste storage containers of certain specifications.

three ) Solid Waste National Codes or Guidelines including the Recommended Code of Practice for Disposal of Wastes on Land of 1986 and the Guidelines for the Storage, Collection, Transport, and Disposal of Solid Waste of 1988.

They contain a list of recommendations or desirable patterns, which are non compulsory ( Juzhar, 2001 ) . Trends in the emerging demand for new and rigorous statute law or amendments are seen in Malaysia. The authorities has realized the demand to raise mulcts and compounds to deter illegal dumping by implementing its 1996 amendments on assorted ordinances. The latest include the addition of biddings on unfastened combustion to a maximal mulct of RM 500,000 or five twelvemonth gaol term or both on an act of unfastened combustion is a good illustration of how drastic steps are called for in utmost conditions ( Juzhar, 2002 ) .

2.4 Solid Waste Management Practices in Malaysia

Solid Waste Management is the duty of the 144 local governments in Malaysia, but there are fluctuations in the manner each local authorization carries out the execution. The fluctuation depends on the size of the town. For illustration, the bigger towns and metropoliss may hold state-of-the-art compactors to roll up waste from door to door and the smaller towns might merely utilize modified unfastened trucks. In add-on, some local governments might be really rigorous about the type and size of the refuse bins, while others might be a spot negligent. Hence it is non possible to supply a elaborate description of waste direction for the whole state.

The effectivity of each council besides varies. For case, Kuching, Ipoh, and Kuantan, the capitals of Sarawak, Perak, and Pahang severally, are by and large acknowledged as cleaner than other urban countries in Malaysia. Since it is sensible to say that the behaviour of Malaysians is the same everyplace in the state, it appears that the Ipoh, Kuantan, and Kuching governments are making a better occupation than other local councils in the direction of solid waste.

Even within a local authorization country, the effectivity of solid-waste direction is different depending on the vicinities. By and large, the richer countries seem to acquire better service than the poorer 1s. However, as a consequence of legion ailments about the deficiency of cleanliness in most urban countries and as portion of the tendency to privatise these activities, the federal authorities decided in the mid-1990s that Solid Waste Management would be managed wholly by private companies.

In the late 1990s, the authorities divided the state into four zones and each zone was assigned to a private company who is to pull off the solid waste, as highlighted in Table 2.5.

Table 2.5: Solid Waste Management Zones and Directors



Manager ( Private Company )

Northern Zone

Perlis, Kedah, Penang, Perak

E. Idaman

Central Zone

Selangor, Pahang, Terengganu, Kelantan, Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya

Alam Flora

Southern Zone

Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor

Southern Waste Management

Eastern Zone

Sabah, Sarawak

Not appointed yet

Beginning: Huszain Huzin ( 2004 )

Since the proposed solid-waste direction act that will supply legislative backup for the private companies pull offing solid waste is tabled in parliament, inside informations about the denationalization of solid-waste direction are still non clear.

However, in the Central and Southern Zones, a impermanent system has been implemented. Since 2004, M/S. Alam Flora, the company appointed to pull off waste in the Central Zone, has been functioning 23 local governments in the provinces of Selangor and Pahang and the Federal Territories of Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya. In the Southern Zone, M/S. Southern Waste Management serves merely three local-authority countries. Although the private companies of the Northern Zone have been identified, no work has started. No company has been appointed for the Eastern Zone yet.

The current methods of solid-waste storage, aggregation, transit, intervention, and disposal are highlighted based on Malaysia ‘s four zones. The solid-waste direction and managing system starts with family storage of waste, followed by aggregation and transit. The following phase involves treating the waste, followed by landfill disposal.

2.4.1 Storage of Waste

The storage of waste until its aggregation can be divided into two stages. In the first stage, kitchen waste ( vegetable leftovers, unwanted stuff ) is stored instantly after its coevals and near its coevals point. In the 2nd stage, the waste is collected and kept on the premises until it is collected by the waste aggregators. This stage is normally done outside the places or mills, but within their compounds.

In Malaysia, plastic bags are used extensively to transport about everything from wet markets, supermarkets, and most goods from section shops. Many families store their waste in such bags. There are no criterions for the size of the bags, since they come from assorted beginnings. In general, the plastic bags are non biodegradable except for the specially prepared, environmentally friendly bags.

The usage of plastic bags for about every purchase of goods or disposal of waste in Malaysia has reached an dismaying rate. Plastic sheets, bags, and bottles are the most omnipresent sights in the state. Worse, they can be seen on the streets, in the drains and rivers, and even in the coastal Waterss. Fishermans complain about the big figure of plastics being caught in their cyberspaces, even when they are far from the seashores.

All waste from places ( except newspapers and magazines ) is discarded in these plastic bags. Segregation at the beginning is non practiced in Malaysia, as most of the families in Malaysia have merely one bag for everything-organic waste, pieces of paper, broken glass or little bottles, negligees, and soiled babe nappies. In families populating in landed belongingss, the bags of solid waste are deposited in refuse bins outside the house, but normally within the compound. For those life in flats, the bags of family solid waste are disposed of in community bins in the flat composites. For industries, waste is normally placed in black refuse bags before it is taken to the bins outside the premises ( Ban Lee, 2002 ) .

Although most municipal by-laws require that those who generate waste must hive away it in proper containers before it is collected, many local governments do non stipulate the size, colour, and stuff of the refuse bins. As such, bins that are used to maintain the plastic bags of waste come in all sizes and signifiers. They range from the properly designed 120-liter and 240-liter bins with wheels and screens to old oil membranophones, kerosine Sns, and rattan baskets ( Othman, 2002 ) .

When containers without screens are used, the refuse bags get wet when it rains. In add-on, they get lacerate apart by isolated animate beings. Some families merely leave the refuse bags by the waysides for aggregation which consequences in refuse being scattered along the roads by isolated animate beings. More and more Malaysians are get downing to purchase decently designed plastic bins with wheels. In some local governments, the usage of such bins is compulsory. If they were non provided, the refuse from these occupants would stop up in illegal mopess, rivers, or bins around the markets.

2.4.2 Collection and Transportation system

The most seeable portion of solid-waste direction is aggregation and transit. After the aggregation of waste from their places, offices, or industries people have no involvement in where it is taken or what is done to it. Very few occupants have seen disposal sites such as incinerators or landfills. Door-to-door aggregation is provided to all landed belongingss. Those populating in flats and illegal colonies have to convey their waste to the community bins. By and large the aggregation of waste is done three times a hebdomad on alternate yearss except on Sunday.

The aggregation and transit system in Malaysia is reasonably common. From the 1980s this activity has been privatized. Since major colonies are under local governments, aggregation and transit is available to all occupants except those populating in stray countries such as the cragged part.

Usually12 M3 compactors, each bing about MYR210,000, are used to transport the waste from their beginnings to the transportation Stationss or landfill ( Othman, 2002 ) . On mean each compactor is able to roll up from 600 to 1,000 houses in each displacement. Other vehicles include compactors with a 6 M3 capacity, multilift trucks, high-side stevedores, Rolled-on/Rolled-off ( RORO ) trucks with 6 M3s or 12 M3 capacity, and public-service corporation new waves. The cost of a 12 m3 truck is MYR0.11 million, whereas high-side stevedores cost about MYR0.163 million ( Othman, 2002 ) . Private aggregators have to register their vehicles with the local governments so that they can maintain path of waste generated within the metropolis.

Some new methods are being tested. For illustration in Melaka in 2000, the occupants were told to maintain the refuse bags indoors until the workers came to roll up them at dark. The refuse trucks played music to do their reaching known. The aggregation and transit of nonhazardous waste from industries, hotels, and institutes is arranged between the proprietors and the private-collection services. The aggregation is by and large done three times a hebdomad or on a call footing ( Othman, 2002 ) . Construction houses that engage parttime waste aggregators dispose of their building dust in illegal garbage dumps such as stray roads, as they do non hold permission to come in the functionary landfills and have to pay on a per-entry footing ( Zakaria, 2003 ) .

Similar to other developing states, the cost for aggregation and transit histories for 60-70 % of the entire solid waste direction outgo and the cost of solid waste direction to local governments is about 30-40 % of their one-year budgets. It has been calculated that the cost of aggregation per premiss is between MYR12 and MYR20, i.e. , it costs between MYR40 and MYR70 per ton to roll up and transport waste from its beginnings to reassign Stationss or landfills. Like most developing states, it accounts for 60-70 % of the entire solid waste direction outgo. Since the entire cleaning measures for pull offing solid waste in a local authorization comes to about 30-40 % of the entire budgets of the councils, the aggregation and transit of waste costs the ratepayers in a heartfelt way ( Ban Lee, 2002 ) . Table 2.6 shows the cost of aggregation and transit in single provinces in 2001.

Table 2.6: Cost of Waste Collection and Transportation


Manager ( Private Companies )

Cost of Collection and Transportation ( in MYR )

Ampang Jaya Municipal Council

Alam Flora


Kuala Lumpur City Council

Alam Flora


Penang Municipal Council

E. Idaman


Johor Bahru Municipal Council

Southern Waste Management


Johor Bahru Central District Council

Southern Waste Management


The aggregation method in Malaysia is labour intensive. There are two methods of waste aggregation. In landed lodging countries, the aggregators go from house to house to roll up the refuse bags, which are so left at strategic locations to wait for the vehicles. Two or three workers follow the refuse truck and load the refuse as the vehicle easy moves from door to door. Although this method is followed by most contractors, there are ailments from citizens since stray animate beings tend to acquire to the refuse bags before they are loaded into the compactors. In add-on no 1 wants waste stored in forepart of his house because of the olfactory properties and unsightliness.

Unfortunately the quality of service is still non satisfactory. Ailments include selective aggregation ( some points are left behind ) , failure to roll up on scheduled yearss, spillage, leachate when compactors operate in residential countries, and a demand for excess payment ( The Star, 2004 ) .

M/S. Alam Flora managed the waste in 23 local communities and received 20,779 ailments in 2001, while M/S. Southern Waste Management managed the waste in three communities and received 1,540 ailments. In a survey conducted among 600 occupants in two municipal communities in the Central Zone ( Kajang and Seremban ) , about 52 % of the occupants were non satisfied with the quality of their waste-collection services ( Othman, 2002 ) .

As a consequence of hapless aggregation, although non needfully the mistake of the waste aggregators, there are legion illegal garbage dumps in Malaysia. It is estimated that for every legal landfill, there are three unofficial garbage dumps. For illustration, in Ipoh City, the capital of Perak and a metropolis by and large considered as among the cleanest in the state, there are 14,000 illegal garbage dumps runing from little refuse tonss to big mopess ( New Straits Times, 2001 ) . In most of the illegal garbage dumps, the nearby occupants are the perpetrators, although in some instances it is the mistake of parttime contractors.

In some instances, waste from illegal mopess is finally collected and sent to landfills when there are ailments from nearby occupants. Harmonizing to Alam Flora, it routinely collects about 102 dozenss of illicitly dumped waste per twenty-four hours in Kuala Lumpur entirely and City Hall has paid excess MYR2.6 million to M/S. Alam Flora ( Othman, 2002 ) . To do things worse, in instances where uncluttering the waste is non done, nearby occupants frequently resort to puting fire to the mopess, thereby doing air pollution and other annoyances to the vicinities ( Othman, 2002 ) .

2.4.3 Transportation Stations

At each transportation station, the aggregation service is to reassign the waste from the aggregation vehicles into packing containers for the longer journey. Each packing container can keep about four or five times the sum of waste as the aggregation vehicles. There are few transportation Stationss in Malaysia, as most disposal sites are non really far from the metropoliss and towns.

The waste is merely transferred to containers, which are so taken by flatboats to the landfill on the mainland portion of the province. Each container can keep between 12 to 15 dozenss of waste and each flatboat can ferry 16 containers. Each 22-nautical stat mi trip takes about 3.5 hours ( Othman, 2002 ) .

2.4.4 Landfill Disposal

Malaya is confronting serious landfill jobs. They include a deficit of landfills, overused landfills, hapless direction, leachates, and the cost of disposal. As per the Minister of Housing and Local Government in 2000, 80 % of the state ‘s 230 landfills had merely two more old ages of life. By 2002, the figure of landfills dropped to 170 and at the beginning of 2004, there were still 170 registered disposal sites ( Ban Lee, 2002 ) .

2.5 Denationalization of Solid Waste Management

Denationalization of solid waste direction is non a recent pattern in Malaysia. Some local governments have contracted out the aggregation and transit of waste since the late seventiess ( Ban Lee, 2002 ) . The pattern has been to name several contractors in each local authorization to make the occupation and maintain a skeleton crew to go on to roll up and transport waste. The present policy is to name one private company for each zone consisting of 30 to 45 local governments. Since the local governments are still responsible for solid waste direction, the companies have to subscribe understandings with the local governments to take over waste direction ( Ban Lee, 2002 ) .

In add-on, since the local governments in Malaysia are under the charge of the province authoritiess, the province authorities must besides hold to the appointed company before anything can go on. This might explicate why denationalization is in full swing in the Central Zone. Even in this zone, nevertheless, merely 23 out of 42 local governments have entered into understandings with Alam Flora ( The Star, 2003 ) .

Even in provinces where the province authoritiess are in understanding, there are local governments that do non desire appointed contractors to make the occupation or to privatise solid waste direction. For case, Taiping Municipal Council, the 2nd biggest authorization in Perak, voted to reject denationalization. The ground was that it would be the council excessively much, from MYR8 million to MYR10 million ( The Star, 2003 ) .

Even local governments that originally agreed to the private company have changed their heads. For case, in December 2000 the Ampang Jaya Municipal Council in Selangor terminated the service of Alam Flora on the evidences of hapless public presentation. It besides meant that all the services of the subcontractors appointed by M/S. Alam Flora were terminated ( The Star, 2003 ) .. It was merely after the intercession of the federal authorities that the service was reinstated.

2.6 Public Perceptions and Satisfaction Regarding Solid Waste Management

Percept is “ a frame of head, i.e. , an outlook from client of what was

expected in comparing to the existent state of affairss. A judgement will be made by the populace

between the outlook of the service before it is provided and perceptual experience ( i.e. , of how

good it fits their outlooks ) . The difference between the perceptual experience and the outlooks will ensue in the sensed quality. Therefore, the client ( in this instance, the populace ) is the focal point for run intoing the demands and demands by the service suppliers, be they local municipalities or private aggregators. Public values, attitudes, perceptual experiences, and

outlooks affect degree of satisfaction every bit far as a proviso of service is concerned.

Since the direction of solid waste involves the service sector, hence, its directors have to be sensitive to clients and their outlooks. Environmental policies particularly sing the solid waste direction in Malaysia have besides received assorted responses recently. Latest studies on errors of private directors by dumping wastes on illegal garbage dumps have worsened the positions the populace has on the function of local authorities. All these jobs associated with landfills have drawn some critics to propose a more drastic paradigm switch off from the conventional methods used locally to other more technologically advanced techniques ( Juzhar, 2002 ) .

Regardless of geographical locations, decision-makers around the universe ever have to confront with complicated issues in coming up with solutions peculiarly in the solid waste direction sector. Some of the related jobs, for case, have been stated by a survey on public consciousness or even among metropolis officers in the United States, on make up one’s minding which techniques are most suited for their countries ( Chertoff and Buxbaum, 1986 ) .

Most of these tendencies and jobs originate at the beginning, viz. waste

generators. Therefore, an apprehension of the public behaviours need to be addressed consistently through more strict attempts in future research in related Fieldss to happen ways to better garbage direction of a peculiar state. Surveies such as this, along with other waste coevals analysis are among a few countries necessitating uninterrupted accent if a sound direction were to be reached.

2.7 Environmental and Health Impacts of Improper Solid Waste Management

Improper solid waste direction causes all types of pollution: air, dirt, and H2O. Indiscriminate dumping of wastes contaminates surface and ground H2O supplies. In urban countries, solid waste getas drains, making dead H2O for insect genteelness and inundations during showery seasons. Uncontrolled combustion of wastes and improper incineration contributes significantly to urban air pollution.

Greenhouse gases are generated from the decomposition of organic wastes in landfills, and untreated leachate pollutes environing dirt and H2O organic structures. These negative environmental impacts are merely a consequence of solid waste disposal ; they do non include the significant environmental debasement ensuing from the extraction and processing of stuffs at the beginning of the merchandise life rhythm. In fact, every bit much as 95 per centum of an point ‘s environmental impact occurs before it is discarded as solid waste.

Health and safety issues besides arise from improper solid waste direction. Human faecal affair is normally found in municipal waste. Insect and rodent vectors are attracted to the waste and can distribute diseases such as cholera and dandy fever febrility. Using H2O polluted by solid waste for bathing, nutrient irrigation, and imbibing H2O can besides expose persons to disease beings and other contaminations. The U.S. Public Health Service identified 22 human diseases that are linked to improper solid waste direction ( Hanks, 1967. Cited in Tchobanoglous et al. , 1993 ) . Waste workers and choosers in developing states are rarely protected from direct contact and hurt ; and the co-disposal of risky and medical wastes with municipal wastes poses serious wellness menace. Exhaust fumes from waste aggregation vehicles, dust stemming from disposal patterns, and unfastened combustion of waste besides contribute to overall wellness jobs.

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